May 2008 Archives

Jean-Pierre Abel-Rémusat. 1822. “Lettre au rédacteur sur l’état et les progrès de la littérature chinoise en Europe.” Journal asiatique. November 1822. pp. 279–292.

Abel-Rémusat accepts the invitation from the JA to summarize the year’s progress in the field. Since this is the first issue, he takes on a much bigger task, recounting the history of Sinology in Europe over the past sixty years.

He criticizes the early missionaries, who believed it impossible to learn Chinese in a single lifespan, and who, despite having some success, never endeavored to pass on their knowledge. Their methods were unsystematic and primitive:

L’analise la plus simple, la méthode la plus naturelle leur étaient inconnues. On avait fait des caractères chinois comme des hiéroglyphes mystérieux, qu’on ne pouvait entendre que par une sorte de divination. … leurs essais si vantés alors sont maintenant tombés dans un oubli mérité. The most simple analysis, the most natural method were unknown to them. They regarded Chinese characters as mysterious hieroglyphs, which one could not understand without some sort of divination. … their much-vaunted works are nowadays buried in well-deserved obscurity. [p. 280]

Scholars like Étienne Fourmont were a little better, but even Fourmont maintained a snobbish attitude, exaggerating the difficulties of his labor. His students, Joseph de Guignes (1721–1800) and Michel Ange André Le Roux Deshauterayes (1724–1795) were unfortunately stingy:

On ne voit pas surtout qu’ils aient rien fait pour se donner des successeurs ou des collaborateurs. Il semblait que le mérite de savoir le chinois fût plus grand quand on le possédait seul. On s’en montrait jaloux, comme d’un trésor qui eût perdu à être partagé. One cannot really see that they did anything at all to pass on [their knowledge] to successors or collaborators. It seems that the merit of knowing Chinese was greater when they alone possessed it. They seemed jealous of it, as if it were a treasure that they would lose if it were shared [p. 281].

And so after de Guignes died in 1800, French sinology languished:

L’étude du chinois redevint ce qu’elle avait été avant lui, une étude mystérieuse, vague et insignifiante. On s’occupa de minuties; on annonça des dictionnaires sans avoir lu un seul livre; on vanta les beautés de la langue sans la savoir; on disputa sans fin sur la forme et l’orthographe des caractères; on en inséra dans de petites dissertations, pour éblouir les lecteurs et en imposer sur la nullité du fonds par la magie de ces brillans accessoires. The study of Chinese became again what it was before, a mysterious field, vague and insignificant. People occupied themselves with minutiae; they published dictionaries without reading a single book; they praised the beauty of the language without knowing it; they endlessly debated the form and orthography of the characters; they involved themselves in petty debates, in order to dazzle their audience and to cover up their fundamental vacuity with the magic of their flashy sideshows. [pp. 281–282].

Thankfully, the moment is approaching when students with some energy and dedication can learn Chinese responsibly. This is thanks to the publication of the dictionary of the Franciscan father Basilio da Gemona (1648–1704), which de Guignes had ripped off and published under his own name. (Abel-Rémusat delicately skirts this issue, saying only that de Guignes “took the trouble to get it published.”) The creation of a chair of Chinese language and literature at the Royal College of France is also cause for some optimism.

Abel-Rémusat praises the work of the British Protestant missionaries, like Robert Morrison. But the British books published in India rarely circulate in Europe, so they are of little use. Abel-Rémusat appeals to the French spirit of competition with the British:

Les Anglais ont plus fait que nous dans ces derniers tems; car leurs travaux sur la langue chinoise sont maintenant au niveau des nôtres, et nous avons beaucoup à travailler pour soutenir la réputation de supériorité que nos missionnaires nous avaient acquise, et que W. Jones lui-même avait reconnue. The British have done more than us recently; but their works on the Chinese language are still at the same level as ours, and we have much work to do to sustain the reputation of superiority which our missionaries have acquired for us, and which W[illiam] Jones himself recognized. [p. 284].

Abel-Rémusat calls for a greater spirit of cooperation and scholarly interchange. He gives a wonderful summary of the problems that Orientalists must work on together. It is a fantastic summary of the field as he sees it in 1822:

Tirer des livres chinois les matériaux d’un dictionnaire historique et géographique, comme la Bibliothèque orientale de d’Herbelot; compléter l’histoire de la Tartarie, du Tibet, de l’Inde au-delà du Gange, du Japon; étendre et rectifier nos connaissances géographiques sur l’intérieur de toutes ces contrées; traduire les livres sacrés de Bouddha, dont les originaux indiens sont vraisemblablement perdus, ceux des adorateurs du Logos (Taosse), que nos missionaires ont pour la plupart traités avec un dédain si injuste et sit mal-entendu; extraire des ouvrages encyclopédiques ou spéciaux les notions relatives à l’histoire naturelle, aux descriptions utiles, aux procédés mécaniques; faire connaître par des traductions complètes ou des analyses étendues les pièces de théâtre, les meilleurs romans, les recueils de poésie; voilà une partie de ce qu’il faudrait faire, et, j’ose le dire, de ce que nous ferons, si nos efforts, pour aplanir la route et ouvrir l’accès aux étudians, ne demeurent pas absolument infructueux. To draw from Chinese books the materials for a historical and geographical dictionary, like the Oriental Library of d’Herbelot; to complete the history of Tartary, of Tibet, of India beyond the Ganges, of Japan; to extend and correct our geographic knowledge of the interior of all these countries; to translate the sacred texts of Buddha, of which the Indian originals are apparently lost, those of the lovers of the Logos (Taoists) which our missionaries have for the most part treated with such an unjust disdain and have poorly understood; to extract from encyclopedic or special works the concepts relevant for natural history, for useful descriptions, for mechanical procedures; to make known with complete translations or learned analyses the theatrical pieces, the better novels, the collections of poetry; this is one part of what we could accomplish, and, I dare to say, what we will accomplish, if our efforts to pave the way and open access to students do not prove completely unproductive. [p. 286–287].

Abel-Rémusat then speeds up his narrative, ticking off the recent accomplishments in Sinology as students have begun to learn Chinese. Many new geographical and historical facts stand out, but most striking is his claim that recent scholarship has shown that:

On a montré les principes pythagoriciens et platoniciens enseignés par leurs philosophes avant l’époque de Platon et de Pythagore, le nom ineffable de JEHOVAH, le dogme du Logos et celui de la triade platonique, j’ai presque dit le secret des mystères, dans un ouvrage chinois du cinquième siècle avant notre ère. They have shown that Pythagorean and Platonic principles were taught by their philosophers before the age of Plato and Pythagoras, the ineffable name of JEHOVA, the dogma of the Logos and that of the Platonic Triad, I would almost say the secret of these mysteries, in a Chinese work of the fifth century BCE [p. 290].

This is a wonderful example of Abel-Rémusat’s creative reading of Taoist texts.

Abel-Rémusat closes his essay by reiterating how much progress has been made in the past ten years, and he hopes that soon the Chinese language will be generally known, just like Arabic or Persian.

Julius von Klaproth. 1822. “Sur l’origine du papier-monnaie” Journal asiatique. November 1822. pp. 257–267.

This is a beautiful example of the caliber of Klaproth’s work. He reads Critisch-historische nebenstunden by August Ludwig von Schlözer, a star historian at Göttingen. Schlözer claims in this work that the Mongols invented paper money. Klaproth notes that contrary evidence had emerged some 60 years earlier, in Antoine Gaubil’s 1739 Histoire de Gentchiscan et de toute la dinastie des Mongous ses successeurs, conquérans de la Chine; tirée de l’histoire chinoise, et traduite.

Klaproth then proceeds to correct the record, sketching the history of Chinese paper currency by reading primary sources. He relies principally on the fifteenth-century Zīzhì tōngjiàn gāngmù xùbiān 資治通鑑綱目續編 in both Chinese and in Manchu translation. He also frequently refers to Mǎ Duānlín’s 馬端臨 Wénxiàn tōngkǎo 文獻通考.

Klaproth’s article includes an amusing note of special interest to Buddhologists. When discussing a copper shortage in the reign of Táng 唐 emperor Xiànzōng 憲宗, he notes: “La cause de la rareté du cuivre, qui se fit sentir si souvent en Chine, était principalement la fabrication d’une grande quantité d’images en bronze, représentant Foe et les saints de sa religion. Aussi voyait-on reparaitre le cuivre et la monnaie, après chaque persécution que cette religion essuyait en Chine” (pp. 259–260).

Alexandre Langlois. 1822. “Dévouement de Viravar, morceau de l'Hitopadesa, traduit du Sanskrit” Journal asiatique. October 1822. pp. 239-243.

This is the sort of article that only could appear in an old journal of Oriental studies: it is a translation, almost entirely free of notes, of the eighth fable in the third book of the Hitopadeśa. Langlois does not tell the reader which Sanskrit source he is using. This would be useful to know, since he translates the name of King Śūdraka as Soubhraka. Langlois also translates Skt. suvarṇapañcaśatāni, “five hundred gold coins” as “Quatre pièces d'or par jour.” One wonders what on earth Langlois was reading.

In any case, there is something heartwarming about these old articles from the Journal Asiatique. Langlois' little translation is absolutely useless as scientific inquiry into the languages and literatures of the Orient. But it does render a charming story from the Hitopadeśa into readable French. Academic journals today exist for the specialist, but the Journal Asiatique could also appeal to the reading public. This is so much more civilized—and civilizing—than what we have today.

Jean-Pierre Abel-Rémusat. 1822. "Extrait d'un second Mémoire sur les Relations politiques des Rois de France, avec les Empereurs Mongols (I)" Journal asiatique. September 1822. pp. 129-141.

In this article Abel-Rémusat summarizes his research into French diplomatic relations with the Mongols in the thirteenth century. Abel-Rémusat believes that his research establishes definitively the Asiatic sources of critical modern technologies. He has determined the date of inventions (printing, playing cards, and artillery) in Asia and their routes to the Occident. Abel-Rémusat believes that interaction with the Mongols sped up scientific and cultural progress, and hastened the onset of modernity:

Qu'on se transporte au XIIIe. siècle, et qu'on juge, s'il est possible, de ce qu'eussent été les siècles suivans, privés de cette masse imposante d'idées nouvelles, qu'introduisit tout à coup en Europe le commerce de l'Asie orientale, en fait d'histoire et de géographie, d'opinions religieuses et politiques, de procédés scientificques et industriels! Si le résultat d'une pareille soustraction, comparé à la marche des époques précédentes du moyen âge, peut être évalué en temps, ce n'est pas trop d'assigner plusieurs siècles au développement spontané des connaissances que soixante années de communications firent éclore.

This is not unlike the argument that would be made by Jack Weatherford's Genghis Khan and the making of the modern world some 180 years later.

Ernest Augustin Xavier Clerc de Landresse. 1822. "Traduction d'une ode chinoise, tirée du Chi-king ou Livre des Vers." Journal asiatique. August 1822. pp. 78-87.

Landresse takes up Shījīng 詩經 191, an ode of Jiāfù 家父 remonstrating the King of Zhōu 周. He paraphrases the poem in French, and gives a line-by-line rendering in Latin. Landresse gives some helpful advice to students of Chinese who are intimidated by the language's innumerable characters: all one really needs is two thousand characters for acceptable competence, and everything else can be accessed via dictionaries. He commends Abel-Rémusat for proving that Europeans can indeed acquire good reading knowledge of Chinese in a relatively brief time.

Landresse's method of Latin translation is fascinating: he attempts to do an ordered word-for-word translation, and when he uses more than one Latin word to render a Chinese character, he links the words with hyphens. Here is an example of his method:

節彼南山Altus ille australis mons;
維石巖巖Connectuntur lapides asperè, horrendum-in-modum,
赫赫師尹 Metuende, formidolose Chi-in
民具爾瞻Populi omnes te inspiciunt

Claude Charles Fauriel. 1822. "Indische Bibliothek, eine Zeitschrift, von Aug. Will. von Schlegel. Bonn. 1820-1822. Heft. I-III." Journal asiatique. July 1822. pp. 44-48.

Fauriel gives a brief and adulatory review of Schlegel's groundbreaking work. At the end of the review, he notes with astonishment that Schlegel went to the trouble to commission a custom Devanāgarī type at a type foundry in Paris.

Antoine Jean Saint-Martin. 1822. "Éléments de la grammaire chinoise, ou Principes généraux du Kou-wen, ou style antique, et du Kouan-hoa, c'est-à-dire de la langue commune généralement usitée dans l'empire chinois. Par M. Abel-Rémusat, de l'Académie royale des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, professeur de langue et de littérature chinoises et tartares au Collège royal de France" Journal asiatique. July 1822. pp. 32-44.

Saint-Martin, a co-founder of the JA, reviews in the first issue the recent work of Abel-Rémusat, a co-founder of the JA. Today we would call this "bootstrapping."

Saint-Martin begins by noting that many missionaries have acquired practical language of Chinese, but the men of Europe have precious few resources on which to rely. He savages the grammar of Étienne Fourmont (1683-1745), probably referring to the Linguae Sinarum mandarinicae hieroglyphicae grammatica duplex, Latine, et cum characteribus Sinensium:

L'inintelligible Grammaire, publiée par Fourmont, est plutôt propre à égarer qu'à instruire, quand bien même on serait sûr de la comprendre parfaitement; et peut-être sans injustice doit-on considérer cet ouvrage comme une des principales causes qui ont contribué à tant retarder jusqu'à nos jours les progrès qu'on aurait pu faire dans l'étude du Chinois. Il vaut mieux effectivement être sans guide, que d'en avoir un qui vous induise en erreur.

Far better were some 30 pages with unrefined grammatical hypotheses buried in the middle of the 1703 work Arte de la lengua mandarina by Francisco Varo (1627-1687). These were, claims Saint-Martin, the only credible explorations of Chinese grammar in a European tongue until Joshua Marshman's 1814 Elements of Chinese grammar and Robert Morrison's 1815 A grammar of the Chinese language. Even these British works were not "vraies grammaires"; they were useful works for interpreters and merchants.

A major source of error for all these European grammars is their over-reliance on native testimony:

Ce que je dis là n'est pas particulier aux Chinois; c'est une grande erreur de croire qu'il faille s'adresser aux indigènes de l'Orient, pour en obtenir des notions utiles sur le mécanisme de leur langue. Comment pourraient-ils enseigner la grammaire, quand ils ignorent même l'existence de cette science? Aussi, tous les ouvrages grammaticaux qu'ils ont publiés pour l'instruction des Européens, sont-ils tous mauvais ou inutiles.

Saint-Martin praises Abel-Rémusat for composing a grammar based on the study of Chinese literature as well as of Chinese speech, and he lauds the work for its scientific rigor.

Antoine Léonard de Chézy. 1822. "L'ermitage de Kandou (1)." Journal asiatique. July 1822. pp. 3-16.

The first article of JA is a brief translation of the story of Kaṇḍu and Pramlocā in Brahmapurāṇa 178.7-94. Chézy, who in 1815 became the first professor of Sanskrit at the Collège de France, prefaces the article with a deferential note, deprecating his own translation and praising the work of August Wilhelm von Schlegel (1767-1845), who was about to publish his own translation of this tale in the forthcoming third volume of Indische Bibliothek.

Chézy's article contains a flowery and rather touching introduction outlining the numerous similarities of classical Greek and Latin literature and the literature of India. The Upaniṣads use teacher-disciple conversations like Socratic dialogues; the unity of God is found in Brahmā; Vālmīki's ascent to Meru resembles Homer's ascent to Olympus; Jupiter's thunderbolt flashes forth just as Indra's; and Kāma and Cupid both fire arrows to inspire love. The story of Kaṇḍu and Pramlocā allows us to see this Indic Cupid in all his resplendent similarity.

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